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Justice is when each person or group is given what is due them based on their intentions, efforts, or effects on the world. When one does good in the world, goodness returns to the doer. When one does harm, the harm returns also to the one who caused it. The fruits of creativity and industry are harvested proportionally by the persons who brought them into being.


Though perfect justice is impossible, we embody the virtue of justice when we seek to treat every individual with fairness and equality. Since we all are prone to bias and prejudice, we can approximate justice only by rigorously safeguarding against these. Because we value justice so deeply, every human community puts into place rules and processes that attempt to ensure justice or equity among members.

Justice


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The Forgiveness Project
A powerful collection of over sixty stories from victims, family members and perpetrators of violence driven by war or crime, all struggling with the question of forgiveness.   http://www.theforgivenessproject.com.
The Forgiveness Project is a UK-based charitable organisation which explores forgiveness, reconciliation and conflict resolution through real-life human experience. Many of those whose voices are celebrated in our exhibition and on this website, also share their stories in person. We work in prisons, schools, faith communities, and with any group who want to explore the nature of forgiveness whether in the wider political context or within their own.

. . .

Personal stories of reconciliation and renewal are at the heart of The Forgiveness Project and are central to its aims. The Project has already collected over 60 personal stories since its launch, and many people who share their stories are part of our Speaker’s Bureau.

The Forgiveness Project

The Forgiveness Project is a UK-based charitable organisation which explores forgiveness, reconciliation and conflict resolution through real-life human experience. Many of those whose voices are celebrated in our exhibition and on this website, also share their stories in person. We work in prisons, schools, faith communities, and with any group who want to explore the nature of forgiveness whether in the wider political context or within their own.

. . .

Personal stories of reconciliation and renewal are at the heart of The Forgiveness Project and are central to its aims. The Project has already collected over 60 personal stories since its launch, and many people who share their stories are part of our Speaker’s Bureau.

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No source entered for Contribution #3766

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Fannie Lou Hamer
Learning about justice and love from a grassroots leader of the Southern civil rights movement.

In the summer of 1964, I sat on the dark blue fabric of the couch in our living room with its knotty pine paneling in Millington, Tennessee watching the Democratic convention and conducting my own personal Republican celebration of what I imagined to be the impending demise of a party in disarray, with a repulsive and criminal leader named Lyndon Johnson, sure to lead his party to defeat by the intrepid and noble Goldwater.

But as I watched our little black-and-white television, right next to where our black maid Mary Smith came every week to set up her ironing board and do the mopping and sweeping and cleaning for our poor white minister’s family, I saw an amazing sight. There in Atlantic City, New Jersey, amidst several thousand white men representing Democratic Party caucuses and precincts from across the country and fifty different states, a lone black woman testified before the Credentials Committee and stared down those white men until they hushed up and turned toward her and quieted down so they and several million more Americans could hear what she had the nerve to say when her speech was broadcast in its entirety on all three networks that night.

The woman’s name was Fannie Lou Hamer. She was a sharecropper from Sunflower County, Mississippi, and that day in New Jersey she told of being beaten, insulted and evicted. She said, “All of this is on account of us wanting to register, to become first-class citizens, and if the Freedom Democratic Party is not seated now, I question America. Is this America, the land of the free and the home of the brave, where we have to sleep with our telephones off of the hooks because our lives be threatened daily, because we want to live as decent human beings, in America?”

Half a decade later, in the summer of 1969, Fannie Lou was fifty-one years old, and she came to visit Madison on a sweltering day that in its heat and heaviness reminded me of my old home town in Tennessee, 140 miles due north from Fannie Lou’s home in Ruleville, Mississippi, a day when the trees and the people wilted in an unrelenting downpour of sunshine and the grass on the library lawn sat brown and lifeless and the surface of Lake Mendota lay mirrorlike and undisturbed by any errant breeze from the surrounding farmlands where cows and corn and soybeans lazed in shimmering fields.

I put up scores of leaflets and posters on bulletin boards all around campus, focusing in on the humanities classroom buildings and the student union and various leftwing delis and beer halls, bratwurst parlors and underground poetry venues where I might be able to snare students of history, English, political science, and creative writing, while avoiding the engineering hall and the business school, considering them a lost cause from the point of view of recruitment as it was well known that most engineers lacked a certain gene required for a highly developed consciousness of social justice. A bare handful of students and teachers showed up to hear her in a small room in the Student Union that had perhaps fifty stackable chairs, ten of which were occupied by summer school students along with a few townsfolk. Fannie Lou arrived a few minutes before her talk was to begin, which made me a little nervous because as a member of the organizing committee I was assigned to introduce her.

Fannie Lou was a heavyset woman in a flower print polyester dress, with her thick black hair pulled back behind her head in a scarf. She was 51 years old at the time, which meant she was more than twice as old as I was and possessed a great deal more gravity than I had.  She had a serious expression on her face and leaned forward to take my hand as we were introduced.  She looked right at me with her black eyes, and held my hand for a moment, squeezing it between hers, and she said, “Yes, Mr. Himes, I’m proud to know you.” Remembering Mary, our household maid in Tennessee, one of the few black adults I had met previously, I felt an obscure sense of shame that emanated from somewhere behind my ears.  “Yes, ma’am,” I said, lapsing back into a Tennessee drawl that I had spent the previous few years trying to leave behind me.  “I’m honored to meet you.”

I had read up a bit on Fannie Lou. I introduced her as a woman who had grown up as a sharecropper, illiterate and unskilled, with no way to earn a living other than by endless hours of picking cotton. She was famous as a co-founder of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party in 1964, I said. She was first introduced to the civil rights movement in 1962 when organizers for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee called a voter registration meeting. 

“That’s right,” said Fannie Lou when she stood up to speak.  “That’s when I was surprised to learn for the first time that black people had a constitutional right to vote. That sounded interesting enough to me that I wanted to try it. When those organizers asked for volunteers to go down to the courthouse and register to vote, I was the first person with my hand up.” She told how her landlord immediately evicted her from her home and her husband refused to take the same stand she took. She then devoted herself to changing the conditions of life for black people in Mississippi and across the South.

Fannie Lou talked about being arrested in 1962 by a Mississippi state highway patrolman, and dragged into a jail cell. “That man pulled down the back of my dress and he had two Negro prisoners beat me with a blackjack until I was black and blue and I was screaming. He said, ‘Fannie Lou, you better get the hell out of Mississippi, because we don’t cotton to upstart niggers that don’t know their place and get big ideas.’ And I said, ‘I will leave Sunflower County, Mississippi when God tells me to and not before.’”

Fannie Lou looked at me and looked at the few others in the room with me. She said, “You know, every single morning of every single day, I wake up in the morning and I look at the ceiling and I repeat these words, ‘I am sick and tired of being sick and tired.’ And I will tell you that I will spend every second of every minute of every day of my life to bring justice to Mississippi. I will have my freedom, or I will have my grave.”

In Fannie Lou Hamer’s words I heard a nobility and selflessness I had been looking for, and a cause much greater than myself. I resolved I would find a way to go back down South and join in the struggle that Fannie Lou had articulated. I wanted to devote my life to something as big and important as the dream she had been drawn to.

Fannie Lou Hamer

In the summer of 1964, I sat on the dark blue fabric of the couch in our living room with its knotty pine paneling in Millington, Tennessee watching the Democratic convention and conducting my own personal Republican celebration of what I imagined to be the impending demise of a party in disarray, with a repulsive and criminal leader named Lyndon Johnson, sure to lead his party to defeat by the intrepid and noble Goldwater.

But as I watched our little black-and-white television, right next to where our black maid Mary Smith came every week to set up her ironing board and do the mopping and sweeping and cleaning for our poor white minister’s family, I saw an amazing sight. There in Atlantic City, New Jersey, amidst several thousand white men representing Democratic Party caucuses and precincts from across the country and fifty different states, a lone black woman testified before the Credentials Committee and stared down those white men until they hushed up and turned toward her and quieted down so they and several million more Americans could hear what she had the nerve to say when her speech was broadcast in its entirety on all three networks that night.

The woman’s name was Fannie Lou Hamer. She was a sharecropper from Sunflower County, Mississippi, and that day in New Jersey she told of being beaten, insulted and evicted. She said, “All of this is on account of us wanting to register, to become first-class citizens, and if the Freedom Democratic Party is not seated now, I question America. Is this America, the land of the free and the home of the brave, where we have to sleep with our telephones off of the hooks because our lives be threatened daily, because we want to live as decent human beings, in America?”

Half a decade later, in the summer of 1969, Fannie Lou was fifty-one years old, and she came to visit Madison on a sweltering day that in its heat and heaviness reminded me of my old home town in Tennessee, 140 miles due north from Fannie Lou’s home in Ruleville, Mississippi, a day when the trees and the people wilted in an unrelenting downpour of sunshine and the grass on the library lawn sat brown and lifeless and the surface of Lake Mendota lay mirrorlike and undisturbed by any errant breeze from the surrounding farmlands where cows and corn and soybeans lazed in shimmering fields.

I put up scores of leaflets and posters on bulletin boards all around campus, focusing in on the humanities classroom buildings and the student union and various leftwing delis and beer halls, bratwurst parlors and underground poetry venues where I might be able to snare students of history, English, political science, and creative writing, while avoiding the engineering hall and the business school, considering them a lost cause from the point of view of recruitment as it was well known that most engineers lacked a certain gene required for a highly developed consciousness of social justice. A bare handful of students and teachers showed up to hear her in a small room in the Student Union that had perhaps fifty stackable chairs, ten of which were occupied by summer school students along with a few townsfolk. Fannie Lou arrived a few minutes before her talk was to begin, which made me a little nervous because as a member of the organizing committee I was assigned to introduce her.

Fannie Lou was a heavyset woman in a flower print polyester dress, with her thick black hair pulled back behind her head in a scarf. She was 51 years old at the time, which meant she was more than twice as old as I was and possessed a great deal more gravity than I had.  She had a serious expression on her face and leaned forward to take my hand as we were introduced.  She looked right at me with her black eyes, and held my hand for a moment, squeezing it between hers, and she said, “Yes, Mr. Himes, I’m proud to know you.” Remembering Mary, our household maid in Tennessee, one of the few black adults I had met previously, I felt an obscure sense of shame that emanated from somewhere behind my ears.  “Yes, ma’am,” I said, lapsing back into a Tennessee drawl that I had spent the previous few years trying to leave behind me.  “I’m honored to meet you.”

I had read up a bit on Fannie Lou. I introduced her as a woman who had grown up as a sharecropper, illiterate and unskilled, with no way to earn a living other than by endless hours of picking cotton. She was famous as a co-founder of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party in 1964, I said. She was first introduced to the civil rights movement in 1962 when organizers for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee called a voter registration meeting. 

“That’s right,” said Fannie Lou when she stood up to speak.  “That’s when I was surprised to learn for the first time that black people had a constitutional right to vote. That sounded interesting enough to me that I wanted to try it. When those organizers asked for volunteers to go down to the courthouse and register to vote, I was the first person with my hand up.” She told how her landlord immediately evicted her from her home and her husband refused to take the same stand she took. She then devoted herself to changing the conditions of life for black people in Mississippi and across the South.

Fannie Lou talked about being arrested in 1962 by a Mississippi state highway patrolman, and dragged into a jail cell. “That man pulled down the back of my dress and he had two Negro prisoners beat me with a blackjack until I was black and blue and I was screaming. He said, ‘Fannie Lou, you better get the hell out of Mississippi, because we don’t cotton to upstart niggers that don’t know their place and get big ideas.’ And I said, ‘I will leave Sunflower County, Mississippi when God tells me to and not before.’”

Fannie Lou looked at me and looked at the few others in the room with me. She said, “You know, every single morning of every single day, I wake up in the morning and I look at the ceiling and I repeat these words, ‘I am sick and tired of being sick and tired.’ And I will tell you that I will spend every second of every minute of every day of my life to bring justice to Mississippi. I will have my freedom, or I will have my grave.”

In Fannie Lou Hamer’s words I heard a nobility and selflessness I had been looking for, and a cause much greater than myself. I resolved I would find a way to go back down South and join in the struggle that Fannie Lou had articulated. I wanted to devote my life to something as big and important as the dream she had been drawn to.

Source

No source entered for Contribution #3188

Source (click to close)

No source entered for Contribution #3188


Frederick the Great
This is the story of Frederick the Second of Prussia who was expanding his gardens but couldn't buy the property of a owner of a mill, who refused to sell because the mill had been in his family for generations.
When Frederick the Second of Prussia built the palace Sans Souci, there happened to be a mill, which greatly limited him in the execution of his plan; and he desired to know how much the miller would take for it. The miller replied, that for a long series of years his family had possessed the mill, which had passed from father to son, and that he would not sell it. The king used solicitations, offered to build him a mill in a better place, and to pay him beside any sum which he might demand; but the obstinate miller still persisted in his determination to preserve the inheritance of his ancestors. The king irritated at his resistance, sent for him, and said in an angry tone, 'Why do you refuse to sell your mill, notwithstanding all the advantages which I have offered you?' The miller repeated all his reasons. 'Do you know,' continued the king, ' that I could take it without giving you a farthing?' ' Yes,' replied the miller, 'if it were not for the chamber of justice at Berlin.' The king was extremely flattered with this answer, which showed that he was incapable of an act of injustice. He dismissed the miller without further entreaty, and changed the plan of his gardens.

Frederick the Great

When Frederick the Second of Prussia built the palace Sans Souci, there happened to be a mill, which greatly limited him in the execution of his plan; and he desired to know how much the miller would take for it. The miller replied, that for a long series of years his family had possessed the mill, which had passed from father to son, and that he would not sell it. The king used solicitations, offered to build him a mill in a better place, and to pay him beside any sum which he might demand; but the obstinate miller still persisted in his determination to preserve the inheritance of his ancestors. The king irritated at his resistance, sent for him, and said in an angry tone, 'Why do you refuse to sell your mill, notwithstanding all the advantages which I have offered you?' The miller repeated all his reasons. 'Do you know,' continued the king, ' that I could take it without giving you a farthing?' ' Yes,' replied the miller, 'if it were not for the chamber of justice at Berlin.' The king was extremely flattered with this answer, which showed that he was incapable of an act of injustice. He dismissed the miller without further entreaty, and changed the plan of his gardens.

Source

Source type: Website
http://www.mspong.org/percy/justice.htm#FredericktheGreat
Contribution #1240

Source (click to close)

Source type: Website
http://www.mspong.org/percy/justice.htm#FredericktheGreat
Contribution #1240


The Story of Bob

Katy Hutchison shares a compelling, real life story with the justice community. In this very personalized presentation, entitled The Story of Bob, Katy clearly describes how alcohol and other drug use, peer pressure, and misguided choices in an unchaperoned setting caused the tragic murder of her husband Bob.

Through a powerful and poignant multi-media presentation, Katy shares how this traumatic event impacted her as a wife and as a mother of two young children. Her personal and interactive presentation is designed to explore the power of forgiveness and describes her own grassroots quest for restorative justice.

Katy has participated in victim offender reconciliations with both her husband's assailants. She has continued to communicate with one of the offenders and is hoping to have him work with her as she continues to tell her story to school classrooms, offender groups, victim service providers, justice conferences and restorative justice forums. Since September 2004 Katy has addressed over 50,000 people in her audiences. In addition, she is currently working on two documentary projects (one commercial and one educational) and a book proposal.

The Story of Bob

Katy Hutchison shares a compelling, real life story with the justice community. In this very personalized presentation, entitled The Story of Bob, Katy clearly describes how alcohol and other drug use, peer pressure, and misguided choices in an unchaperoned setting caused the tragic murder of her husband Bob.

Through a powerful and poignant multi-media presentation, Katy shares how this traumatic event impacted her as a wife and as a mother of two young children. Her personal and interactive presentation is designed to explore the power of forgiveness and describes her own grassroots quest for restorative justice.

Katy has participated in victim offender reconciliations with both her husband's assailants. She has continued to communicate with one of the offenders and is hoping to have him work with her as she continues to tell her story to school classrooms, offender groups, victim service providers, justice conferences and restorative justice forums. Since September 2004 Katy has addressed over 50,000 people in her audiences. In addition, she is currently working on two documentary projects (one commercial and one educational) and a book proposal.

Source

Source type: Website
Katy Hutchison
"Abstract courtesy of the Centre for Justice and Peace Development, Massey University, http://justpeace.massey.ac.nz. "
http://www.restorativejustice.org/articlesdb/articles/5637/
Viewed on April 21, 2008
Contribution #980

Source (click to close)

Source type: Website
Katy Hutchison
"Abstract courtesy of the Centre for Justice and Peace Development, Massey University, http://justpeace.massey.ac.nz. "
http://www.restorativejustice.org/articlesdb/articles/5637/
Viewed on April 21, 2008
Contribution #980


A Personal Story About the Death Penalty
--an encounter with an innocent man who had been sentenced to death. 
Several years ago I attended a gathering to oppose the penalty of death.  The speaker was a man in his late thirties.  In his youth he worked, lived his life.  Then he was arrested for a heinous crime.  The "evidence" was a physical characteristic.  He was convicted and sentenced to death.

More than a decade passed while family, friends, defender organizations tried to prove his alleged innocence.  Then two issues arose.  His DNA did not match what was found at the crime scene.  Also physical characteristics had not been studied properly.  So an innocent man was released.

Now he was speaking to us, and someone asked a difficult question.  I realized a man who had spent many years in prison and was only recently released did not have info needed to answer.

So I said "allow me" and responded to the question.  The speaker gave me a long look, walked over and gave me a hug a young man would give to his mother.  

When I reflect on that day I realize I was hugged by a human being the state had sought to execute! 

A Personal Story About the Death Penalty

Several years ago I attended a gathering to oppose the penalty of death.  The speaker was a man in his late thirties.  In his youth he worked, lived his life.  Then he was arrested for a heinous crime.  The "evidence" was a physical characteristic.  He was convicted and sentenced to death.

More than a decade passed while family, friends, defender organizations tried to prove his alleged innocence.  Then two issues arose.  His DNA did not match what was found at the crime scene.  Also physical characteristics had not been studied properly.  So an innocent man was released.

Now he was speaking to us, and someone asked a difficult question.  I realized a man who had spent many years in prison and was only recently released did not have info needed to answer.

So I said "allow me" and responded to the question.  The speaker gave me a long look, walked over and gave me a hug a young man would give to his mother.  

When I reflect on that day I realize I was hugged by a human being the state had sought to execute! 

Source

Source type: Website
Constitutional Rights
http://communities.justicetalking.org/forums/thread/5988.aspx
Viewed on March 30, 2008
Contribution #787

Source (click to close)

Source type: Website
Constitutional Rights
http://communities.justicetalking.org/forums/thread/5988.aspx
Viewed on March 30, 2008
Contribution #787